Today the Scottish government has published a very welcome consultation paper (media release & consultation paper) on the future of allotments. The reform and modernisation of allotment legislation will form part of the forthcoming Community Empowerment and Renewal Bill and this consultation is the opportunity to get the allotment bit of that bill right.

It is significant that the media release is illustrated with a tiny little garden shed and a wheelbarrow – the essence of the spartan and utilitarian idea that was embodied in the Allotments (Scotland) Act 1892 (original version here) which provided the statutory basis for burghs to respond to any “demand for allotments for the labouring population in such burgh….” Section 2(1) This notion of a small plot of land for the labouring classes to grow food has hardly changed in over a century (and of course the ruling class had no need for such legislation being mostly in possession of ample land themselves).

Meanwhile, in the rest of Europe, things developed rather differently. Sure, there are allotments like we have, but there are also other arrangements which provide fuller opportunities for urban dwellers to enjoy life in the garden. Which is why I have included what I think is a fantastic aerial view of my own vision of what allotments could and should be like – a far cry from the pokey patches of ground that allotments consist of today. Please do click on the image to see a larger version.

This is an example of the German Schrebergarten – suburban gardens which can be lived in over the summer and which provide a wonderful refuge for German families. See a previous blog for further discussion on the benefits this creates for children and families including a wonderful video.

My vision of the future is of land around our towns and cities devoted to food-growing, suburban gardens and forests – something like Frankfurt - and further out on the continuum, huts….

Of which more soon.

Meanwhile do respond to the consultation which is open until 24 May 2013.

UPDATE 21 APRIL 2013

The Scottish Government is holding 3 “engagement” events to allow members of the public to discuss the allotments consultation and how it fits into the wider work being taken forward by the Community Empowerment and Renewal Bill.

Friday 3rd May Great Glen House, Leachkin Road, INVERNESS at 1100hrs – 1300hrs
Tuesday 7 May Atlantic Quay, 150 Broomielaw, GLASGOW 1400hrs – 1600hrs
Thursday 16 May Saughton House, Broomhouse Drive EDINBURGH 1400hrs – 1600hrs

Those wishing to attend are requested to email AllotmentConsultation2013@scotland.gsi.gov.uk at least 72 hours before the event to allow the necessary security arrangements to be made.

Above – Richard Lochhead at NFUS AGM. Image: Paul Watt Photography

The future shape of the Common Agricultural Policy for 2014-2020 has become clearer following the EU budget summit on 7 – 8 February and the European Parliament’s adoption of a negotiating mandate with the Commission and Council on 4th February.

One possible conflict between the Parliament and the EU leaders is on the subject of capping direct payments to farmers (see my previous Nov 2011 blog on the topic). As the Parliament noted,

The distribution of direct income support among farmers is characterised by the allocation of disproportionate amounts of payments to a rather small number of large beneficiaries. Due to economies of size, larger beneficiaries do not require the same level of unitary support for the objective of income support to be efficiently achieved.” (1)

MEPs voted to cap direct payments paid to any one farm at €300,000 with additional reductions in payments for those receiving over €150,000.

At the EU budget summit, however, European leaders agreed that,

Capping of the direct payments for large beneficiaries will be introduced by Member States on a voluntary basis.” (2)

This difference between the Council of Ministers and the Parliament will be one of the many items to be resolved over the coming months.

As far as Scotland is concerned, agriculture is devolved. If capping is to be left to member states to decide, then which way will Richard Lochhead and the Scottish Government decide to proceed? In Scotland, the amount of farm subsidy paid to the top 50 recipients increased from £22m in 2008, £24m in 2009, £27.6m in 2010 and £35m in 2011. The existing subsidies are allocated in a very unequal manner as the graph below shows. For 2011, the top 10% of farmers received £345 million – 48.6% of the total subsidy pot of £710.4 million. Over two-thirds of subsidy goes to the top 20% of farmers.

Were payments to be capped, this would apply to only the £500 million of so-called “direct payments”. Under the €300,000 cap proposed by the Commission and agreed by MEPs, this would result (based upon 2011 figures) in a clawback of £35 million from the 484 recipients of the largest subsidies (7% of the £500 million of direct payments).

Were a more reasonable cap to be adopted (say a maximum of £100,000 per farmer) then the amount that would be clawed back from the 813 farmers who receive more that this would total £53.9 million. (over 10% of the £500 million of direct payments).

This is money that could be used to support new entrants to farming and supporting local food schemes such as the Fife Diet.

Recent surveys of opinion have shown that the majority of Scottish farmers want a ceiling on the amount of subsidy any one farmer can receive. (3) Whether capping is left to member states or not is yet to be decided. But if it is, then Richard Lochhead has a decision to make and it will be interesting to watch what he decides to do. He is very close to the farming lobby.

At the National Farmers Union of Scotland AGM last week, he made the startling admission that for the past six years “I have had the honour of being your representative in Government”. (4) The last time I looked, Richard Lochhead MSP was the representative of the people of Moray and as a Minister in the Scottish Government he represents the interests of the people of Scotland.

It is always a danger that Ministers are captured by elite groups and the NFUS is both a powerful lobby group (what other organisation would attract 2 UK Cabinet Ministers and 2 Scottish Ministers to its AGM?) and is further dominated by the interests of the larger farmers and landowners who (it would appear) Mr Lochhead is in Government to represent.

As I say – it will be worth paying close attention to how this question resolves itself over the coming months.

(1) Amendment 8 to Regulation recital 15

(2) para 65 of Conclusion of 7 – 8 February 2013 EU Summit

(3) See Alyn Smith MEP consultation results and Scottish Government consultation

(4) Speech to NFUS AGM 12 February 2013

These words were spoken by Angus Stewart when he appeared before the Napier Commission to give evidence as the very first witness on Tuesday 8 May 1883. He wished an assurance that, as a consequence of his evidence, he would not be evicted by his landlord.

A report by Robbie Dinwoodie in the Herald this morning claims that the Scottish Government is still to decide whether to appeal a Court of Session ruling (Salvesen v Riddell 2012) that Section 72 of the Agricultural Holdings (Scotland) is ultra vires and in breach of Article 1 of Protocol 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights. If the Scottish Parliament wishes to defend its own legislation, action needs to be taken otherwise it will be struck down in accordance with Lord Gill’s ruling.

I have blogged on this case before in these two posts here (on the politics of it) and here (on the legal case itself).

Meanwhile, I though it might be worth reproducing the opening page or so from Chapter 18 of The Poor Had No Lawyers in which the background to this case is explained.

“On 3 February 2003, around one hundred tenant farmers across Scotland received eviction notices ordering them to quit their farms. It was the culmination of a hectic few weeks of such notices being served. On a day of particularly severe winter weather, every effort was made to deliver the legal papers. Some farmers, forewarned of the move, battened up their letterboxes but to no avail. These tenants all leased land by means of limited partnership tenancies, a legal device which had been constructed by lawyers to prevent tenant farmers enjoying security of tenure. The draconian activity was provoked by the fact that the next day, the fourth, an amendment was to be tabled in the Scottish Parliament to a new agricultural holdings act that would give such tenants security of tenure and the right to buy their farms if they should ever come up for sale. The amendment was necessary to protect tenants against further eviction notices issued between that date and the passing of the act.

The Agricultural Holdings (Scotland) Act of 2003 is one of the unsung successes of the land reform programme introduced by the Scottish Parliament. It provides a number of important benefits to tenants including a right to buy when the farm is sold, rights to diversify land use, rights to assign the tenancy and improvements to compensation arrangements when a tenant leaves the farm. George Lyon MSP was one of its architects and, in the debate that passed the act, he had this to say:

For too long, tenant farmers have played the game with the deck stacked against them. Until now, the landlords have held all the aces in negotiations. The bill waters down dramatically the powers of landowners and their factors. Those powers must be watered down, because landowners have seriously abused the provisions of the Agricultural Holdings (Scotland) Act 1991. The partnership tenancies created by that act were nothing more than a legal device that left tenants with no security and at the mercy of landlords, who could kick them out at any point during the partnership agreement.

Write-down agreements robbed tenants of the value of their investments and, to rub salt into the wound, the tenants usually ended up paying rent on their own investments. Post-lease agreements were designed to allow landlords to dump their responsibility for repairs, renewals and provision of fixed equipment on tenants.

The use of Queen’s Counsel and expert witnesses in rent arbitration meant that the cost of arbitration for tenants was prohibitive. The most recent rent arbitration that was carried out on Arran, of which the minister might be aware, cost £12,000. If a landlord has to balance that cost over 60 farms, because the precedent is set when the rent goes up, the cost is affordable, but if an individual tenant on a three-year rent review has to spread the cost of £12,000 over three years, it is a no-brainer – they do not do it. I believe that the actions by landlords and factors that I have described drove a coach and horses through the 1991 act and left tenants powerless to fight for a fair and just deal.

I hope that the bill will end that abuse. It will shift the balance of power back to tenant farmers and will be fundamental in ensuring the future of the tenant farm sector. The creation of two new tenancy vehicles and the provisions allowing diversification should reinvigorate the tenanted sector and act as a further spur to rural development.” (1)

In no other land use is the struggle between the landless and the landed so marked and of such long standing as agriculture. People have always been farmers out of necessity and farming requires land. Any analysis of farming is likely therefore to shed much light on land relations.”

(1) The full transcript is available here in the Official Report 12 March 2003. George Lyon’s comments are at Col. 16386